Civil society, social movements, and mixed methods

Civil society, social movements, and mixed methods


♪ Music ♪ In this lecture, Dr. Dana Fisher overviews the conceptual and methodological approaches used by sociologists to study civil society and social movements. She notes that the research focuses on organizational and institutional forms as well as forms of action. She then presents an example of studying urban environmental stewardship to exemplify the use of mixed methods in studying civil society and highlights the use of network analysis and survey methodologies. She also presents an example of studying the climate change movement and describes the survey and social media analysis used to study the connectivity and communication within social movements. I’m Dana Fisher from the University of Maryland and I was tasked with talking about civil society and social movements using mixed methods. I wanted to thank SESYNC again for providing even more exciting opportunities for conversation in day two here, so I signed for a chapter from Matthias Ruth’s handbook of research methods and applications in environmental studies to read and I’m going to touch on that, but talk more broadly and I was also asked to talk about networks, but I’m feeling this strong desire to talk about qualitative methods cause I don’t think we’ve talked about that so much, so I’m going to pull that in too and we’ll see how it goes. Let’s see, I thought I would start a little bit with background on my research methods that I use. I am a mixed methodologist, my research employs a lot of surveys, participant observation, semi-structured open-ended interviews, which is my personal favorite method to use, but obviously the research needs to be designed in a way that using open-ended semi-structured interviews makes sense. I also am doing some new research with collaborators at University of Maryland doing receipt analysis as well as time use diaries and we have analyzed secondary data, but as you can probably tell from that list, most of the work that I do is about going in the field and collecting primary data, so I’m going to tell you a little bit about the ways that I’ve done that in the past and what we’ve done with it. I teach qualitative methods at University of Maryland and I am going to draw also from a textbook I wrote with Shamus Khan at Oxford which is specifically on social research methods. So let’s see, so today I’m going to build on a bunch of different research projects that I’ve worked on to illustrate mixed methods within civil society and as with all the other presentations just feel free to ask questions as we go, but I did think since we had that whole conversation yesterday that I would theoretically ground my work, so here’s, what is civil society? And I just thought I’d give you a couple definitions of what civil society is so we’re all on the same page. Civil society in the literature thereupon tends to build directly off of the work of Habermas just FYI, so we can see how this connects with what we talked about yesterday. Emirbayer and Sheller define it as a self-organized citizenry. Jean Cohen and Andrew Arato in their opus on civil society, distinguish it from both the state and civil society; it’s worth noting this definition is different from say the Gramscian analysis which includes the market or the economic sector, but I think most of the research on civil society today looks at civil society as being separate and distinct from the state and the market and so here I like to tell my students this is really a Mickey Mouse model because you can see like there’s the mouse ears up there, right. The Mickey Mouse model of, to dumb down as much as possible these different social sectors, but basically the idea here is that civil society actors are here, they’re sometimes are at what Habermas has called the periphery, but they work all the way up to being connected in and embedded in the state market sectors or just with the state and just with the market and I’ll provide more discussion about this as we go along, so they’ll be more, I’ll distinguish this better. I just want to say that in some of my earlier work I talked about science as being separate from the civil society market and state sectors and so you could be a non-Mickey Mouse and more of like four circles interacting, but for the sake of this I’m not sure where science goes and I think we could have a conversation about that, but it really, it’s not in this model or it’s, science is embedded in these other sectors, let me put it like that, but just today I’m talking about civil society, so here is a collection of graphics about civil society. The recent literature on civil society has centered around two main themes, you know, and one group of scholars looks at civil society’s role in newly emerging democracies, a lot of this was post iron curtain falling, more international is that literature and in a lot of ways the discussion there is on contributions of civil society, the democratic legitimacy of the state, but other scholars tend to focus on understanding and explaining the levels of civic engagement and other types of civil participation which is civil society actors and how they participate in the democratic process or more broadly in activities within the, within a country and this work is less interested in the role of civil society can play in overthrowing the government and in terms of revolution, but more in terms of the way citizens are playing roles within industrialized nation states. So some civil society activities are confrontational; here we have a couple of confrontational ones, we got occupy down here, we have the Ku Klux Klan up here which is pretty confrontational, we have this more performative engagement through this is a protest against the Keystone XL in D.C., but it’s very much that it was all about like releasing this pipeline down, you know, in the city and then we have, you know, we have the Greenpeace boats, right, so confrontational and then we have more kind of a, so those are trying to challenge the status quo, but then we also have this more kind of typical engagement or less confrontational, more kind of mainstream engagement, so we see, here actually are the people from Burns, these are Burns residents who are having a community meeting to try to get people who are taking over in Oregon to try to get the militants to like leave and discussing that, so it’s like a community meeting about that. We have, you know, my favorite ones, you know, boating, it’s always seen as a big way civil society participates, we got my buddy Ralph Nader here running for president back in the day potentially helping Al Gore lose the election, we have people who are participating here through the American Red Cross in disaster relief, people cleaning up, this is actually a corporate, this is people from Citibank who are helping to clean up around the Hudson River and then we have this one, I just, I couldn’t resist because there was this discussion a little bit about the role that computer media communication plays, there’s been this whole discussion which I’m not going to talk about today except for to say there is a discussion in literature today about the degree to which like, liking something on Facebook or retweeting or clicking is a form of civic participation and a way to engage in civil society, it is unclear where it falls, everybody may have opinion, we could end up, people have argued about this at the ASA and other places, but I’m just putting it out there that that is seen as a way to participate. Perhaps a lame one, but still. So within civil society as I said there are these confrontational ways of participating, but social movements are seen as one of the actors that engage or as a legitimate civil society actor. Sociologists do a lot of research on social movements, some political scientists do study social movements, and here’s a definition from Sid Tarrow of what social movements are, it’s not all civil society actors or activities are by social movements, but the ones I’m going to talk about today are, so these are collective challenges to elites, authorities, other groups or cultural codes by people with common purposes and solidarity and sustained interactions with elites, opponents, and authorities, so it’s basically, it’s not necessarily confrontational, but it does have that tinge of trying to create or effect social change. So within that research, there is a focus on different components of social movement, so one is on organizational forms and so that is looking at the types of groups that do participate as, you know, in social movements and we call them sometimes SMOs, social movement organizations, a lot of times there’s research on whether the degree to which these organizations are professionalized, the degree to which they are less professionalized and more kind of mom-and-pop localized groups, so it’s all about who makes up the civil society groups, how much they do, how much do they interact with state or market or science, and then there’s also a lot of focus on action forms and these are strategies, tactics, and they range from oppositional like, you know, getting your little blow up boat and chasing down the whaling boats, or supportive and, you know, there are different supportive ways to participate, supportive action forms, letter writing signing up to run as an alternative candidate participating in community board meetings, but then there’s the more, you know, there’s lobbying and then there’s demonstrating and protesting, so I didn’t put a parentheses on the other side there and then there’s another focus on institutional forms and there a lot of the focus for that research is on what’s the target, right, and in some of my work there’s this research that looks at international negotiations as a target, international financial institutions as targets, but also more localized targets like local community boards, cities, sometimes the targets are not governmental and this is actually was a recent, well in the past 20 years, shift in terms of thinking about social movements is that social movements are not necessarily targeting the state; they can target companies, right, McDonald’s, big multinational institutions or they can target many other things, so these are just kind of range of ways that people are looking at social movements. So what I’m going to do today is present two cases from my research to illustrate research on social movements using mixed methods, so both of these are types of environmental activism I would argue, but they involve a, and they involve a diversity of actors and they are, one of them is, its more supportive way of engaging in environmental activism through what I’m calling, we call urban environmental stewardship and one is more oppositional although different actors within this movement fall within a spectrum here in terms of the climate movement or what I would call the climate movements that are trying to effect change around climate change. Yep, so there’re very different types of environmental activism. My research on urban environmental stewardship began in the mid-aughts in New York City working with colleagues at the U.S. Forest Service and the work that I’m going to present here has co-authors of many other people who are, been involved in the research team and was part of fun, research that was funded by the U.S. Forest Service as well as through an NSF ultra-grant that was funded to do work in New York City, but here you can see a bunch of different ways that we think about urban environmental stewardship; a lot of these involve tree planting, urban agriculture, but cleanups, local cleanups as well as there are lots of other ways people engage in environmental stewardship, but much of the work that I’ve done is focusing specifically on tree planting and local cleanups and I’ll talk more about that as we go through the presentation. So this is the data collection flow chart that James, who was the lead author on that chapter that I shared with everybody, put together and I think it’s a really nice way of thinking about data collection, I mean there’re different ways of thinking about mixed methods, right, one is in terms of data collection and the other is in terms of data analysis and so in some, well this one does both, right, so we have both quantitative survey data that we collected with organizations that were doing stewardship in New York City and as part of that, in the surveys we asked for spatial data that we combined with other spatial data we had to do spatial analysis. As part of the survey data, we asked social networks questions and so those data were analyzed separately using social network analysis and through the results of the surveys, we were able to identify what we call organizational nodes within the network that then ended up being the sampling protocol that we used to identify whom we interviewed for our interviews. But this is all in the chapter that you guys have and I’ll take you through some of it with findings here. Okay, so the research for this project started as stew-map; I just got a t-shirt thankfully from Michelle yesterday, our STEW-MAP t-shirts, so this is, was a partnership with the U.S. Forest Service starting in 2005, the first thing we did is we actually, it was wonderful to have the time to do this, we spent about three months coming up with that definition of stewardship that I showed everybody before; that’s right, three months to come up with that definition just because we had people from, with different interests in the room trying to decide what was and wasn’t stewardship and how would we define it and it was key because we basically, the first question on the survey was asking, do you engage in all five components of stewardship? If the answer is no, even if somebody filled out the entire survey, whoop went right in the trash can, right, because they are not, they were not urban environmental stewards as defined by the sample frame, so we did a census of civic groups involved in stewardship activities in New York City; the first wave of the research was in 2007 and then as I mentioned before we did interviews conducted with organizational nodes and brokers as part of this ULTRA-Ex project to understand organizational histories. We did I just thought I would mention here that stew-map has now kind of exploded, I don’t know if explode is the word, but it has branched out to other cities and it’s been done in a number of cities if you’re interested stew-map.net lists all of them. I was involved with Anya in STEW-MAP in Philadelphia which we completed in 2014 and it’s being replicated in many other cities and I heard a rumor that there is now STEW-MAP 2017 coming. So one of the things we did with these data is we compared green space to civic space in New York City, so we have on your left, we have a map of green space in the city and I don’t know if you can see, but we have the red dots are community gardens, we have green streets are the blue dots and then parks are green, it’s, they are obviously the parks and so we have that and then we also have on the right hand side social space and the social space is actually, it’s the population of all the stewardship organizations that we were sampling from, so you can see how well distributed they are and we’ve done a bunch of stuff looking at the overlaps within the green space and the social space, some of that came out in interdisciplinary journals, we worked with remote sensors, I worked directly with Chris Small, who’s the co-PI on the ULTRA project on some of that stuff, but I’m just, this is all I’m presenting on the spatial stuff because we had a great spatial talk this morning, but just to say that those data and those types of analyses happened. Green streets are like, so like in some places there are trails, but also some places it’s this program basically to have people adopt the street and particularly the tree wells outside, make sure the dogs don’t poop on the trees, pee on the trees which is, by the way, extremely bad for the trees, right, ecologists come on you gotta nod with me here, it’s a terrible thing to happen, particularly if you’re planting new trees, you do not want the dogs to use the trees as a bathroom. Okay, so how are they connected? So this is one of the network maps that we’ve, we came up with from these data, so these are from the organizational survey, this is the full stewardship network and so let me tell you a little bit about this and then I’ll just move on, but the full figure here, the figure identifies the full stewardship network for New York City across civic, private, and public groups. Red are civic groups, black points are government agencies, gray points are schools, and blue points are private businesses and I should just say that the data are based, the presentation here is based on not just the respondents, but all of the nodes in their networks that they identified in the survey and basically what I can say here is that when you look more closely at this diagram, you get a sense that there’s a strong coordinator role for the public sector in terms of mediating and collaborating and doing hybrid arrangements for stewardship, but you may, this is, you know, that’s in a lot of ways that’s what we can get from this image, but here’s a better way of thinking about these data and here we just have a presentation of some of the big nodes that we looked at and the organizations that talk about being linked to them, so the blue dots are actually groups that were organizations that responded and these are some of the most central nodes that they all report working with and some of those are civic groups like the Brooklyn Botanical Garden is a civic group and some are in New York City Department of Environmental Protection which is government or EPA. Con Edison which is public, right, so it is kind of a hybrid, right, Green Guerrillas which is a civic group, so what you get a sense here is how respondent organizations connect with civic groups, but also with government agencies in different ways. We’ve done some additional work on this and the works were published in landscape and urban planning and ecosystem services to kind of pull apart these networks better and I’ll talk more about network analysis later, but just to get a sense of the kinds of things we can do with these survey data. So the next component of the research actually was specifically focusing on volunteer stewardship, but those are individual citizens who get involved in taking care of their communities through stewardship and this was part of this NSF ULTRA-funded work in New York City and here what we looked at is volunteer stewards involved in million trees NYC initiative which planted their millionth tree last like a couple months ago, I guess its last year now and I actually, it’s very sad because they had this whole big event planned to plant the millionth tree and then a police officer got shot and it basically got scrapped. New York Times ran the article anyway, you know about this? Yeah, the New York Times ran an article anyway, New York Times was all pissed off because they didn’t actually plant the tree, millionth tree didn’t go in, there were tweets like if a millionth tree gets planted and nobody knows, does it really count? Okay, anyway, so this is the book that came out from the New York City work, but we actually expanded to work on studying volunteer stewards working with Casey Trees in D.C., but also the plant one million campaign in Philadelphia and I’ll talk a little about those data, so for this part of the project instead of the survey of the organizations which involved a mail-in survey, this is a random survey of volunteer tree planters at tree planting events and then follow up interviews with the volunteers just so you get a sense of the data that we’re using here, so here are perhaps too small maps. Yeah, I don’t know why they got all smushed up cause they were bigger and reformatted for me, so anyway what you can see here is we got New York City here, we got the District of Columbia here, we have a very different looking map of Philadelphia there and this is basically just a geography of survey respondents and what you can see here in New York City is that there’s very clearly, volunteer stewards do not just come from the communities in which they steward which was one of the hypothesis that we started out with is people know that you’re planting in Staten Island you’re going to, if you live in Staten Island, you’re going to be like I’m going to go plant a tree in Staten Island and that was not the case at all, we had people from Connecticut going to Staten Island to plant trees and that’s the case also in D.C. where Casey Trees plants trees using a relatively different organizational structure, but still you have people from all over and one thing that’s very interesting is that Casey Trees works with these alternative summer, what is it, alternative spring break programs, you guys have heard of these? And so you can actually sign up from a non-United States country to do an alternate spring break and come and you go plant trees with Casey Trees, so you’re planting trees and this is the best part about it, so in New York they’re planting trees on public land, in D.C. they plant trees in people’s yards, right, and yes which is great because you have this opportunity where I was like I, you know, one of the things we do is we also planted trees – now Anya actually played a lot of trees in a lot of interesting places during the data collection here. I have good pictures of her with a pick ax, whereas I’m, so I ended up planting trees on, for some reason I always ended up going to people’s houses where the people would come out and be like, can you please plant the tree there instead of there? I really want the flowering tree to go over here, you know, and then they’d be like trying to hide their children from us because we are clearly like a hired help even though it was like a volunteer program to plant trees to expand, you know, the canopy in D.C. and they’re like don’t talk to them they’re working, you know, which is really weird because like these volunteer stewards are getting treated in this very strange way, so there are lots of interesting stories to be told here and I’m working on a comparison paper that one day will come out to compare across these different structures because it’s very different from the way they planted trees in New York and Philadelphia I would just say that, so the map in Philadelphia looks different for a couple of reasons, one of them being is that the Philadelphia program is organic where the communities actually themselves would ask for trees, so in D.C. somebody who owns a house can be like I want a free tree, Casey Trees come do it, and Casey Trees organizes it, but in Philadelphia it was these little communities in Philadelphia that decided they wanted trees and then they had this big tree planting event where they’re going to plant all these trees, so we had this big research team coming up from D.C. driving up five in the morning to go collect data and we got there and all these communities were like yeah we decided to plant trees yesterday, so we had, so that’s a problem with doing this kind of field work is like they decided to plant their trees, so we were basically like driving through the streets of Philadelphia trying to chase down people planting trees and they had to be over 18 for us to collect data from them, we tried to be like can you please take our survey? I know your trees are in, please, you know, so we have anyway, so that’s why this map in some ways looks different and I just want to say one thing and then Anya wanted to add, to say that, so this map actually looks at demographics cause the other thing is that we’re really excited to look at racial differences in urban environmental stewardship and the idea was that people plant trees in like communities of color are likely to be people who are of color themselves, not true whatsoever by the way, we didn’t collect any data that would support that hypothesis unfortunately, so originally the idea was that we would get some interesting data on stewardship based on race and class, which we didn’t get and so that’s why we have that map there, so here is a comparison of civic engagement for survey respondents comparing to a national sample of data just this is like, these are standard measures of civic engagement that political scientists and sociologists used to see who is participating and the kinds of participation they’re having and you’ll see from the asterisks, the asterisks are the only variables that are not statistically significant in comparison to the national sample and I can tell, I have, I can share if people want later what, where the measures are, the national measures are if you’re interested, but just basically interesting, so basic overall finding here is that people who get involved in an urban environmental stewardship across these three cities in the Northeast mid-Atlantic region whatever you want to call it are way more involved civically than the American population and a lot of my work has tried to parse out why that is over time because that’s a very interesting finding and then there’s also this question of what comes first which we try to answer in the book stewardship or participation and we find that stewardship actually plays this very interesting role in terms of being seen by individuals as a type of civic engagement which is very different from the way literature leads us to suspect. So when we talk about the climate movement, one thing that I think is very interesting is that when we talk about the climate movement a lot of people think about all these, you know, the protests, we got like a picture here, we got People’s Climate March, we’ve got the shoe demonstration in Paris that happened that probably everybody saw pictures of, during the climate negotiations we got, this is a picture of someone being billy clubbed in Copenhagen in 2009, but what you tend not to think about is the fact that civil society also participates inside the negotiations in different ways and so one of the things that my research has tried to do is parse apart on the internal and external participation, so the data I’m going to present here are collected from surveys with protesters at large-scale climate events I’ve been collecting data at these events since 2000. The first time I collected data in the Hague during the COP-6 negotiations my friend Simone Pulver was so kind as to volunteer to help me survey protesters while they were filling up, you’re turning red, filling up the human dike and it was wonderful to have her involved, I know you loved that experience. By the time we got to Copenhagen, she’s like no way am I going out there in the cold, but, so the only way to collect these kind of data are, you need like a huge group of people particularly for large-scale protests and then we have to random sur-, randomly sample within the crowd and I’m going to talk a little bit about that here. There is a very interesting documentary about doing that kind of research, which I can connect you to, if you’re interested, but, so the targets here tend to be the policymakers inside negotiations who are trying to make decisions or in some cases the meetings themselves over the climate regime and that’s why I some, I have said that there are two different movements, there’s a climate justice movement and the climate movement. Climate movement is more of these institutionalized groups that tend to do stuff like I mean, so inside here this is at, this is a picture I took at, in Copenhagen they have like, I think that’s a koala bear, it got a little damaged on the way over; I believe these are guys from Australia who are singing, they may, they do cause it’s, climate negotiations always happen in the beginning of December, right, so they take Christmas carols, change the words of the Christmas carols to be climate oriented, some of them are very charming and then they go and they carol throughout the negotiations, but I don’t know if they were able to get in to do it in Paris because it was a lot more limitations on who could get in, but historically this is the kind of stuff that civil society does inside the negotiations, dress up, then you see that pandas on fire always at climate protests, I still don’ t understand why, but there are always the pandas on fire and actually sometimes they ride bicycles, so which is, you know, funny and I believe they’re linked with the WWF, but again, I don’t really know what the significance of a panda on fire riding a bicycle is, but a lot of this stuff is very performative and then you have, you know, kids involved and I’m not allowed to survey them, but I can take their pictures as long as I don’t name them, so there’s a picture of a kid at the people’s climate march. Alright. Oh the other thing I was going to say is, so here I’m going to present survey data again, but then I’m also going to present some data that were used through these data scraping methods that are getting so popular lately, that involves both data scraping and content analysis just as background here, so here is an opportunity to look at how the explosion of civil society participation has taken off since COP-6, so this is in 2000, in the Hague, where Simone and I were in a very small crowd with Jan Pronk, building the dam, the human dike, so you can see here this is all the people who registered for the negotiations and then this is the NGO observers which is what academics, we all are NGO observers in case you were wondering as well as these kind of traditional civil society groups, businesses are also NGO observers here, so they have the climate the UNFCC has adopted the Gramscian definition of civil society, in case you were wondering, and this is all the parties, so those are the government representatives and what you can see here is as you move forward is like there was this explosion in Copenhagen and bad things happened in terms of not enough people, people getting kicked out, people standing in line for 2 days, never getting in, so they capped it more in Paris and these are new numbers I just got this morning about participation in Paris, so the numbers, but it was, you know, there’re lots of people in Paris. At the same time if you look outside these negotiations there usually are these large scale protest events and in Paris they refuse to have it, so they had shoes there were some black blocks that came out and did protesting and getting arrested and getting tear gassed, which frequently happens at climate negotiations, but in this case it was interesting because a lot of the mainstream environmental groups basically went like took to the media waves to be like these guys are not environmental activists and they are not part of the climate movement which is, you know, how do we define being part of the climate movement? Well if you’re going to protest climate change and you’re civil society actor ergo, you know, ostensibly you should be part of the movement, but it was very interesting to see this kind of pulling apart of the movement that you could see if you look at some of the coverage and a lot of the tweets around Paris, so there’s that. There was this huge internationally coordinated day of action that happened, bigger in Copenhagen because it wasn’t right after this terrorist attack in Paris. The event in Copenhagen turned out 80,000 people and I have some survey data from that that I’m going to present and there were lots of people who were in the streets around the world as well. So how do we do this? How do we know who comes out in these kinds of movements? And who are they and what are they doing there? Right, so starting in 2000 I started randomly sampling crowds of protesters; this built off of work from other people who have done social movements and it’s been adopted by a lot of people who are studying large-scale protest events more recently, so basically here’s a picture from people’s climate march and that’s just a picture of people marching down in Midtown and what we basically do is everybody gets a different area we come in from all sides of the protest event and then we basically walk across from one curb to the other counting off every fifth person, so those are the Xs, those are people that you try to sample and it, you know, it feels a lot like your canvasing, if anybody’s ever canvased where you basically are like hi, University of Maryland and I’m doing a research project seeing who comes out today, would you be willing to take my survey and people either say yes or no, if they say no you go every fifth person, if they say yes you then say are you 18 because I have been fooled by many young people who really look like they’ve gotta be 18 and are not and then you have to throw those surveys away and it wastes time and then you go on to the next fifth person, so basically we do every fifth adult participant and historically I used to do an oral survey and it has morphed into a two-sided one-page survey, so we get more data because we did the oral survey and then followed up online and we had really great response rate out in the field and then we only had 30 percent who participated in the follow-up, so we only had much less data, so working with Michael Heaney and Fabio Rojas who’ve done a bunch of this stuff around the anti-war movement in the United States; we changed the methodology and worked with people in Europe to make sure it was similar to what they’ve been doing, so people get this one page, two-sided, relatively small font survey which is completely anonymous and then they are welcome to provide contact information if they want to participate in an interview and so that’s how we do it. At the people’s climate march we surveyed 468 people in the, at the people’s climate march and we had an 84 percent response rate and it was in an ordeal, but we got some really interesting stuff out of it. So one of the things we’re able to tell based on these data is where the protesters came from and so the PCM is the People’s Climate March, which is the march that happened last not, well two Septembers ago, so all of the people whom we did sample and who filled out the survey, we found that 95 percent of the participants live in the United States, 5 percent of them traveled internationally; one of the things I think is worth noting about those findings is just that there was a period of time right around 2000 where there was this discussion about global civil society and this transnational elite that was basically driving all this activism and protest in the United States, sorry globally and there was this whole claim that it’s the same people protesting the World Bank everywhere and the IMF everywhere and so one of the things that we were able to do with these data back then is to show that actually it’s not, it’s mostly locals, so this is a map just of the continental United States and where people came from to participate, 47 percent of them were from New York City metropolitan tri-state area. How do protesters find out about the march? Okay, so this is from the People’s Climate March you see the poster here which I wish were just a little clearer, but Sunday 9/21 walk the dog, grab brunch, change history, they did a really good job of putting posters out, bus stops and this was on a train and they were all over and so one of the things that was interesting and that we do find consistently is that these large-scale protest events tend to have people finding out about the protest though social networks, but also through things like flyers or posters and it tends to be that you really have to get a really big local population interested in coming out for the protest if you want a really big turnout I mean there are certain people who’ll ride a bus, there are some people who’ll ride a bus across the country, but that’s a small proportion of all the people who’ll come out if you want, I mean here there was estimated 400,000 people in, you know, you can’t have 400,000 people coming in on buses, so this is a distribution of how people said that they heard about the march and we had some non-relation-, relational challen-, sorry I cannot speak, non-relational channels and then we also had social media sites and websites and one thing I would just say here that I thought was interesting is that since 2000 we’ve been asking questions about websites and social media as social media became proliferated and I can say that these kinds of questions that have been developed so far are ridiculously inadequate to get a sense of the way people use social media and the internet today and it used to be that you could just ask like did you use social media? What kind Facebook, Twitter, whatever or like what websites did you get this from? And now it’s just, people are using this in such interesting ways and there aren’t yet questions that people have developed. I mean these questions are the same questions that my colleagues in the EU have used to ask these questions and it’s just, they’re just, you get nothing out of it and there just, you know that it’s, there’s so much more information to be lean there and so somebody needs to figure that one out. Most media channels, mostly media channels where the way the people found out about that, so what we really wanted to do as I said before, we really wanted to look at the role organizations were playing and we really wanted to, I wanted to replicate the social network analysis that Heaney and Rojas have done that has gotten a lot of attention for the anti-war movement in the United States and since the data were so for lack of a better word crappy, we really, we couldn’t do it, at all, so instead I’m showing you Heaney and Rojas’ image, this is what I would’ve liked to do. This is an image of organizational networks for the anti-war movement and this is a piece by Heaney and Rojas in 2007 and what you can see here, here let me tell you what the colors mean, so each shape represents one organizations and the lines are co-contacts between organizations, the thicker lines represent more contacts, so it’s co-affiliation, squares are organizations that lean democratic, triangles lean toward a third party and circles have no statistically significant lean and there’s, they aggregated data from a bunch of different protest events, so they had a dataset of 2,529 activists and the data were collected from August 29, 2004 through September 26, 2005, they wrote a great book on this, if you’re interested in this stuff, this is from an article they publish previous to that, but what you basically can see is that there is a very interesting role for democratic party type organizations or Democrat Party leaning organizations like move on in terms of getting people mobilized and we also have organizations like international answer which tends to be socialist, the international socialist organization connecting people, so I thought this would be fascinating if we could do that for the climate movement, right, which groups are bringing people out, I mean I can tell you from pictures we took and the people whom I saw in the sections I was in and what were the other students who were in collecting data saw that there was a huge section of Friends of the Earth, there was a huge section for the Green Party, but there was also, you know, AFL-CIO was there and what would’ve been really interesting is to do this, the problem is that we couldn’t get this kind of organizational data and people just didn’t want to fill it out or they only listed one organization, if you only list and we need to have much more, you know, rich data to be able to do this kind of analysis, so it’s unfortunate, but it gives me an opportunity to pitch Michael’s work, so one of the other things that I try to do in my research is try to start to look more, in a more sophisticated way about social media and this is just a small project I did with a computer scientist when I was at Columbia during the Copenhagen climate negotiations where we tried to look about, look at how Twitter was being used for social action basically and so what we looked at because the Copenhagen protests were very, well they got very violent, right, you saw the billy club, but there was a lot of stuff, so there was a peaceful march the weekend in between the two weeks of negotiations, and then there was like a group that’s, that spun off and started like kind of looting and stuff, and then be, after that they had planned to shut down the negotiations one day and there were people who got this life boat and went through like the ducts that go out to the negotiations, the Bella Center and so the police got very aggressive so what we did is we looked at police tweets or tweets, so there’re tweets about police activity with the idea being that we would get a sense of thinking about how the activists were using Twitter and so this is a chart basically, so I had this colleague scrape the data and then we basically did content analysis on these data to get a sense of how the social media were being used and what you can find here is that I thought there was going to be a lot more planning like I thought it was going to be all orange, you know, police are here go to this other corner. Yep. What do you mean by data scraping? Data scraping is basically he set up, he basically scraped anything that had specific hashtags around Copenhagen, so basically for Paris what you would do is like scrape everything with COP-21 in it or hashtag COP-21, which was a big marker or there was also climate talks, so you could look for both of those, you can pull all those data and just basically scrape it off the internet and then we would get all the data of all the tweets and the nice thing about Twitter is it’s public, right, so you need no IRB and you don’t need to do anything to get those data, you just need to be able to go in and scrape, and so you scrape it and then what do you do with it? Well this is one thing you can do with it, but this is a content analysis and I know Jennifer Earl at Arizona has done some other really interesting stuff qualitatively analyzing social media data, but the world is your oyster, you just have to figure out what to do with it. So here I thought wow, it’s going to be really interesting if we find that this social media which in 2009 was still really not like as adopted and not as mainstream as it is today, I thought what we would see is that the activists were really using it to plan and there’s like no orange here ergo not so much planning and instead people were just reporting, reporting where the police were, reporting where there was green stuff going on which is the peaceful actions and where black blocks were forming where people were planning on destroying property, so I thought that was interesting I’ve never publish it, but you got to see it, there it is. One day, you know, we’ll get to think more about this, I think. Let’s see, the majority of these 1,049 tweets were reporting about the activism and police activity which is interesting, but I don’t know what is particularly that exciting about it, although it is an interesting finding. ♪ Music ♪

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